WHO CARE FOR MOST OPPRESSED BACKWARDS & SC/ST CASTE : HISTORY OF LEGAL EVOLUTION AFTER CRIMINAL TRIBES A...

WHO CARE FOR MOST OPPRESSED BACKWARDS & SC/ST CASTE : HISTORY OF LEGAL EVOLUTION AFTER CRIMINAL TRIBES A...: The history of legal evolution of the Criminal Tribes is adequately described in several scholarly works 7 . However, I would like to evo...

Dr. RASMUS TENBERGEN GERMANY INVITS INDIANS ALONG WITH YOGESH SAXENA ADVOCATE GENERAL SECRETARY ALL INDIA BAR ASSOCIATION TO JOIN WORLD PARLIAMENT Contact 9792131584

Dr. Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

1

Towards a World Parliament: A Summary of the Debate and a

Proposal for an Electronic World Parliament on the Internet

organized by Civil Society

Paper presented to the First Virtual Congress of the Community of World Citizens, July 2006,

by Dr. Rasmus Tenbergen1

1. Introduction

It has often been claimed that current world order should be democratized and that a World

Parliament would be a necessary and desirable element of such a democratic world order

(Held 1995: 273, Patomäki/Teivainen 2004: 139). There is, however, no detailed and

systematic general analysis of the potential creation of a World Parliament, which includes

an overview of the different possible models and an investigation of their advantages and

disadvantages. Such a general analysis could help to investigate whether and how a World

Parliament would contribute to the solution of the problem of the so-called “democratic

deficit“ in the international system.

The following paper tries to accomplish a first step in this direction. It summarizes the current

debate on a World Parliament and develops theses regarding the potential creation of a

World Parliament. This introduction (1.) is followed by a summary of the debates on the

global democratic deficit (2.), the desirability of a World Parliament (3.) and concrete

proposals for a World Parliament (4.). A separate section discusses the scenario of elections

for a World Parliament organized by civil society on the internet (5.). The conclusion (6.)

summarizes the findings of this paper in ten theses. This paper is not a value-free

description of different positions, it is trying to argue in favor of a World Parliament in general

and a special approach in particular. It is therefore an invitation to debate the findings in the

conclusion.

1 This paper is the result of many discussions with many different partners. I am grateful for all their

contributions, namely to Fabian Kyrieleis and Kenneth Kostyo for their important input.

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

2

2. The Global Democratic Deficit

The analysis of past research on global democracy and a World Parliament shows an

interesting ambiguity: on the one hand, the whole spectrum of global governance, global

democracy, and global democratization is subject of many scientific publications (among

many others are Drydyk /Penz 1997, Holden 2000, Scholte 2000,

Patomäki/Teivainen/Ronkko 2002, Slaughter 2002, Zürn/Zangl 2004) and almost a fashion

trend, because there seems to be a consensus that the democratic deficit (i.e. the insufficient

legitimization of important international institutions) is one of the main problems of

international relations (Crawford/Marks 1998 and Nye et al. 2003); on the other hand,

concrete proposals how to solve this problem are very rare.

There are many contributions to special aspects of this problem: to the reform of the United

Nations (Boutros-Ghali 1993b, Ruggie 2002, Patomäki/Teivainen 2004: 17) and the

European Union (for example the articles of Greven, Offe, Zürn and Grande in Greven/Pauly

2000: 35), to the necessity of more accountability (Held 2004a: 264), to the role of civil

society (Florini 2003: 219), and to the change in economic institutions such as World Trade

Organization, International Monetary Fund, and World Bank (Stiglitz 2002:214). These

contributions are helpful for a discussion on good global governance, but they do not offer

coherent solutions for the democracy deficit problem.

Proposals to reform the United Nations must manage the dilemma, that they either do not go

far enough to create significant change or go too far to be acceptable for current decisionmakers.

The analysis of the European Union as a case study must address the question of

whether Europe can serve as a role model for other regions or even for the world as a whole

(Greven/Pauly 2000). This applies in particular to the role of the European Parliament as a

potential model for a World Parliament (Falk/Strauss 2001) both in terms of the history and

the structure of this institution (Levi 2001).

Some contributions to the reform of the economic institutions, for example on the

parliamentary control of the World Trade Organization, are concrete in so far as they offer

specific proposals for the institutional design (Mann 2004, Shaffer 2004, Skaggs 2004). They

are, however, limited to the political control of economic processes and exclude other

political aspects like security policy. In contrast, investigations of the role of civil society often

deal with many different political areas, but on a rather abstract level when it comes to

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

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concrete proposals. The lowest common denominator seems to be the claim for more

transparency and accountability (Kovach/Neligan/Burall 2003).

This applies also to theoretical works in this context. There are abstract hints on a “coming

democracy” (Florini 2003) and even the broadly discussed and far-reaching theory of a

“cosmopolitanism” by David Held (Held 1995, Held 1996, Held/McGrew 2002, Held/König-

Archibugi 2003, Held 2003, Held 2004b, Archibugi 2002), but even in this most innovative

concept the focus seems to be more on theory-building than on concrete proposals for

detailed change in old or for new institutions.

3. The Debate on a World Parliament

The proposal to create a World Parliament has already generated important support in the

political arena, for example Olivier Giscard d’ Estaing’s “Committee for a World Parliament“

lists as members of the honorary boards names such as Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Nelson

Mandela, Sonia Gandhi, Shimon Peres and Jacques Delors. Many academics, however,

remain sceptical regarding the possible creation of a World Parliament.

The most important and most concrete contribution to the discussion is the debate between

Joseph Nye and Richard Falk and Andrew Strauss in “Foreign Affairs“ and in “World Link” on

the desirability of a World Parliament (Falk/Strauss 2001, Falk/Strauss 2002, Nye 2001, Nye

2002b). A “World Parliament” shall be defined for the following as “a global assembly where

representatives are selected on the basis of one person, one vote” (Patomäki/Teivainen

2004: 139).

Falk and Strauss argue that the creation of a global parliament would be the natural and

logical way to overcome the global democratic deficit (Falk/Strauss 2001). For Falk and

Strauss the European Parliament serves as a role model: similar to the European

Parliament, the World Parliament should start with only advisory powers and be founded by

only twenty to thirty avant-garde states which are economically and geographically diverse.

They hope that as time progresses it would gain more legitimacy and formal competencies

(Falk/Strauss 2001).

The proposal of Falk and Strauss has received some attention and has been discussed in

many contributions (Archibugi 2002, Monbiot 2003, Bummel 2005). This applies, however,

more to smaller and more specialized publications like “The Federalist Debate” (compare for

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

4

example Levi 2001, Cocciolo 2004 and Vallinoto 2004). The proposal has not led to a

paradigm shift and has not been supported by mainstream academia. It has for example

been rejected by Joseph Nye because Nye does not see the necessary condition of a strong

sense of global community realized and he assumes that citizens of many states are not

willing to be constantly outvoted by one billion Chinese and one billion Indians (Nye 2002b).

This argument is attacked by Falk/Strauss and others (Monbiot 2003: 119) with the hint that

empirical evidence shows, that multi-national parliaments vote according to issues rather

than according to ethnic aspects (Falk/Strauss 2002). This trend could even be strengthened

through a World Parliament and lead to “a political culture less beholden to nationalism and

more engaged in promoting human security” (Falk/Strauss 2002: 3).

Nye’s criticism that popular elections “might well produce an undemocratic body that would

interfere with the delegated accountability that now links institutions to democracy” (Nye

2002b: 5) is rejected by Falk and Strauss. They argue that a democratically elected body

cannot interfere with global democracy, that “far too many national leaders are not

democratically elected” and that even democratically elected representatives should not

decide on international questions without control (Falk/Strauss 2002: 2). The core of their

disagreement with Nye is according to Falk and Strauss a dispute on the nature of the

international system: Falk and Strauss do not accept state sovereignty as the leading

principle of the international system, they would rather like to see this replaced by citizen

democracy (Falk/Strauss 2002: 3).

4. Concrete Proposals for a World Parliament

There are not many concrete proposals for a World Parliament in the academic discussion.

Such proposals can be found on the internet (Alliance 21 2003, Johansen 2003) or in

publications which are of a more political than scientific nature (some references of this kind

are in the footnotes of Monbiot 2003 and Patomäki/Teivainen 2004). Monbiot offers a

proposal with arguments similar to Falk and Strauss. He tries to develop a simple model

based on the principle of “one person, one vote” and approximately six hundred multinational

electoral districts (Monbiot 2003: 99). Monbiot focuses, like many other authors, more on the

general argument than on concrete details of the organization of elections to a World

Parliament. The main difference of his model to Falk and Strauss is that his main actor is not

the national state, but civil society, which can elect a World Parliament “without permission”

of the national states (Monbiot 2003: 101).

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

5

Bummel refers in his strategy paper for the “Committee for a Democratic UN“ to the proposal

of Childers and Urquhart (Childers/Urquhart 1994) and others to “create a Parliamentary

Assembly at the United Nations as new institution which is established as consultative, semiautonomous

subsidiary body to the UN General Assembly through a vote of the General

Assembly under Article 22 of the UN charter” (Bummel 2005: 109) and lists thirteen concrete

proposals on details of this institution (Bummel 2005: 108).

A detailed summary of both, the general discussion on democratic transformation of global

institutions and special aspects of a potential World Parliament, is offered in the work of

Patomäki and Teivainen (Patomäki/Teivainen 2004). The authors refer not only to the main

debates but also to critics like Bello and Wahl who fear too much centralization if a World

Parliament is established (Walker 1993, Bello 2002, Teivainen 2003a, Patomäki 2002a).

After a critical analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of a World Parliament Patomäki

and Teivainen regard the organization of a global referendum “based on a statistically drawn

representative sample of voters in different countries” as a meaningful first step towards a

World Parliament (Patomäki/Teivainen 2004: 146).

A short pamphlet by Andrew Strauss offers a comparative overview on different models of a

World Parliament or a “Global Parliamentary Assembly“ (Strauss 2005). After a summary of

his arguments for a World Parliament from other texts he distinguishes between four models:

1. an amendment of the UN Charter according to articles 108 and 109

2. the creation by the UN General Assembly as a Subsidiary Organ

3. Civil society organized elections

4. an interstate treaty process

Strauss calls the UN Charter reform model the „classical“ model (compare Sohn/Clark 1958)

and the one with the best legitimacy from the perspective of world public opinion, but he

expects strong resistance against this plan because it requires the consent of two thirds of

the UN General Assembly plus all permanent members of the Security Council. The problem

of veto powers disappears in the second model, Article 22 of the UN charter requires only a

two thirds majority of the UN General Assembly. In addition to legal doubts whether a

parliament could in principle be called a “subsidiary organ” of the UN General Assembly,

Strauss believes that this model would create political compromises. One example is the

recommendation of Bummel and others (Bummel 2005: 110) that “in the first development

stage, the delegates of the Parliamentary Assembly at the United Nations are uniformly

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

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elected from the midst of the parliaments of the participating countries” (Bummel 2005: 110).

Strauss fears that the special loyalties of national parliamentarians could endanger the

success of the project.

Compromises of this kind would be unnecessary if the elections for a World Parliament

would be organized by civil society. Even though Strauss preferred this model in the

beginning (Falk/Strauss 2000) and even outlined a model for its implementation (Strauss

2005: 8), he mentioned tremendous difficulties to organize and finance such a civil society

process. This problem would be far less important in the last model of a treaty between

avant-garde states which already have the financial and organizational resources for

complex elections. In addition to the arguments mentioned above (Falk/Strauss 2001),

Strauss highlights that this model gives the power to organize the parliament to the

participating states, which posses an interest in the success of the project (Strauss 2005.

10).

5. Elections organized by Civil Society: A provisional electronic World Parliament on

the Internet

If the thesis is accepted that the creation of a World Parliament would be a positive

development, all four models described by Strauss seem to be desirable. There is, however,

no consensus even among supporters of a World Parliament on the question, which of these

models is the most feasible and should be followed to implement the idea. This paper claims

that all four models would constitute a positive development on the international system, but

that elections organized by civil society pose the best chance of an implementation. This

applies even more, if in the beginning provisional electronic versions of a World Parliament

are created on the internet.

Pilot projects of this kind do already exist. Out of the many initiatives in this direction, only the

most radical example should be mentioned: the “World Parliament Experiment“ on

http://www.world-parliament.org. It would go beyond the framework of this paper to describe

this project and its aspects in detail, only a few basic aspects should be mentioned.

Based on the thesis that the creation of a World Parliament is the more likely the more world

citizens support it, individuals are invited to support the establishment of a provisional World

Parliament through their vote. They participate in a decision-making process with only one

ground rule which cannot be changed: that all aspects of the project (content, procedures,

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

7

and representatives) can be changed at any time though proposals of anybody, if there is

enough support based on “one person, one vote”. This is not a decision for direct and against

representative democracy, this experiment tries to combine the advantages of both models

by enabling the delegation of votes for smaller or larger parts of the project (the main

parliament, special sub-institutions or even single issues). It is the task of elected

representatives to present the results of the opinion-building process as claims to real life

decision-makers. Both, the legitimacy and power of these campaigns will increase with

growing numbers of participants. After a critical mass has been reached, it should be

possible to transform this provisional electronic parliament with only moral and advisory

powers to an institution that exercises a significant influence on actual political processes.

It seems to be important for the success of this project that its ambition is neither

overestimated nor underestimated. On the one hand, it seems to be crucial in the beginning

phase to keep the claim of a model for a global institution against accusations of naivety, on

the other hand, it should be clear in every phase of the project that representation and

legitimacy in a narrow sense can only be claimed for the participants of the project.

If elections organized by civil society include electronic parliaments, some objections against

this model lose their importance, for example the financial and organizational difficulties

mentioned by Strauss (2005: 8) are reduced dramatically. Monbiot (2003: 104) mentions the

possibility of a cheap electronic assembly, but regards it as an insufficient replacement of

face-to-face meetings. He does not even consider the possibility of a combination of both

formats, which could begin with electronic meetings that lead to non-virtual gatherings in a

later phase.

The strongest argument for elections organized by civil society and against the other three

models seems to be that measurement of success is much easier in this plan. While it is

difficult to see how far away the United Nations are from significant reform steps or how

close avant-garde states are to signing a treaty on a World Parliament, a civil society

campaign for a World Parliament gains legitimacy and chances of success with every single

individual supporting it. This argument can also be used to work against wide-spread

pessimism of global democracy activists. The collection of enough individual supporters is

difficult enough, however, it is already a sufficient condition for the realization of the project

and is therefore a concrete and realistic program of implementation.

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

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6. Conclusion

The main results of this paper are summarized in the following theses:

1. The global democratic deficit is one of the main problems of international politics;

2. The creation of a World Parliament would be an important step to solve this problem;

3. The four scenarios of Strauss (2005) to create a World Parliament (amendment of the

UN Charter, a subsidiary organ of the UN General Assembly, elections organized by

civil society, and an interstate treaty process) are all desirable;

4. Elections organized by civil society posses the best possibility of success;

5. This possibility of success can be additionally increased if the process starts with a

provisional electronic parliament on the internet;

6. A provisional electronic World Parliament on the internet should give its electors the

possibility to change any aspect (content, procedures, representatives) at any time, if

there is enough support for a proposal based on “one person, one vote”;

7. A provisional electronic World Parliament on the internet should give its electors the

possibility to decide on how far they want to influence the decision-making process

directly and in how far they want to delegate their vote to representatives;

8. A provisional electronic World Parliament on the internet should from the very

beginning, even with little support, claim to be a model for a global institution, but it

should be clear in every phase of the project that representation and legitimacy in a

narrow sense can only be claimed for the participants of the project;

9. A provisional electronic World Parliament on the internet should from the very

beginning, even with little support, try to influence real political processes;

10. The campaign for the creation of a World Parliament depends to a large degree on

the number of individual supporters. It should therefore put a main focus on this

aspect.

Rasmus Tenbergen: Towards a World Parliament

Haindava Keralam - global community of dedicated Hindu Keralites with a peace mission

Haindava Keralam - global community of dedicated Hindu Keralites with a peace mission
The struggle for existence bears on Natural Selection. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire's ('Hist. Nat. Générale,' tom. ii. p. 405, 1859) excellent history of opinion on this subject. In this work a full account is given of Buffon's conclusions on the same subject. In 1813, Dr W. C. Wells read before the Royal Society After remarking that negroes and mulattoes enjoy an immunity from certain tropical diseases, he observes, firstly, that all animals tend to vary in some degree, and, secondly, that agriculturists improve their domesticated animals by selection; and then, he adds, but what is done in this latter case 'by art, seems to be done with equal efficacy, though more slowly, by nature, in the formation of varieties of mankind, fitted for the country which they inhabit. Of the accidental varieties of man, which would occur among the first few and scattered inhabitants of the middle regions of Africa, some one would be better fitted than the others to bear the diseases of the country. This race would consequently multiply, while the others would decrease; not only from their inability to sustain the attacks of disease, but from their incapacity of contending with their more vigorous Rev. W. Herbert, afterwards Dean of Manchester, in the fourth volume of the 'Horticultural Transactions,' 1822Amaryllidaceae'1826 Professor Grant 1831 Mr Patrick Matthew published his work on 'Naval Timber and Arboriculture,'  'The proposition determined on after much consideration is, that the several series of animated beings, from the simplest and oldest up to the highest and most recent, are, under the providence of God, the results, first, of an impulse which has been imparted to the forms of life, advancing them, in definite times, by generation, through grades of organisation terminating in the highest dicotyledons- and vertebrata, these grades being few in number, and generally marked by intervals of organic character, which we find to be a practical difficulty in ascertaining affinities; second, of another impulse connected with the vital forces, tending, in the course of generations, to modify organic structures in accordance with external circumstances, as food, the nature of the habitat, and the meteoric agencies, these being the ''adaptations'' of the natural theologian.'
I am not sure that I understand some passages; but it seems that he attributes much influence to the direct action of the conditions of life.We  clearly saw, however, the full force of the principle of natural selection. 
If you can provide me a little support against FANATICS MAULVILIES, IMAM BHUKHARI OF JAMA MASJID,  KABA GANDHI, PANDIT NEHRU, NARAIN DUTT TIWARI , HAMWANTI NANDAN BAHUGUNA , HIS SON CORRUPT JUDGE VIJAY BAHGUNA, MULAYAM SINGH, LALU YADAV , Sahhabbuddin, Mukhtar Ansari, Atiq Ahmad having criminal Adulteration corruption Agenda as the weapon for their prosperity what was Adopted By Osaba Bin Laden through Mohhamad Ali Support Created By Clinton Barack Obama  Republican Party , I will get 25000 Muslims holding a good reputations amongst all Nationalists Intellectual Gathering offering prayer to Great Shiva wisdom and environmentalists Vegetarianism Aryans Mythology being converted to GREAT NATIONALISTS FORCES of MY NATION. Whether Maha Mandeleswar , Mahant Occupying the different Ashrams having Sex and Having Greed for Money, Having Greed For Power MULAYAM, LALU , DIGVIJAY to be the NON HINDUS. WHO IS HINDU HERE IN INDIA, TO WHOM CRISTIAN MAY ADHERE TO. YOU PLEASE CONVEY THE MESSAGE THAT KAYASTHAS WILL BECOME VIVEKANAND, MAHARISHI MASHESH YOGI HOMI J BHAWA, SUBHASH CHANDRA BOSE, LAL BAHADUR SHASTRI , MUNSHI PREM CHANDRA , JAY PRAKASH NARAIN ,  SWAMI YOGREKHA YOGESH KAYASTHA RATNA , BUT NOT CHITRGUPTA JI FALSEHOOD CREATED FOR BUSINESS BRAHINS MAY BECOME SWAMI NITYA NAND SARSWATI, SHRDYANAND SWARSWATI, DAYA NAND SARSWATI, SWAMI RAM CHANDRA MAHARAJ, SHYAMA PRASAD MUKHARJEE,  TAPAN GHOSE  JAINISM MAY BECOME ACHARYA RAJNEESH , YADAV MAY BECOME BABA RAM DEV , OBC MAY BECOME NARENDRA MODI , NARAIN KATARIA, PRAFULL GORADIA SCHEDULE CASTE MAY BECOME MAHARAJA SUHEL DEV OF AZAM GARH , BABA BHIM RAO AMBEDKAR, BIRSAMUNDA AMONGEST KOL. NOW  YOU HAVE TO ADHERE SPIRIT OF LORD RAM CONTAINED IN SACRIFICE ON THE BEHEST OF STEP MOTHER, HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH KEWAT , A MALLAH, JAMWANT , A KOL, HANUMAN , A BHEEL AND PUT BHIBHISHAN INSTEAD OF RAVAN UPON LANKA.

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Hangout with Shri Narendra Modi

Pakistan to see the plight of minority Hindus with their own eyes.

Safer places meant, out of Kashmir, maybe to Jammu, Udhampur or anywhere; it did not make a difference. Anywhere out of the heaven felt the same. It was just Kashmir which felt privileged. Poshmal would never get to see where she was born, thought her mother. Like the others she would just have to be happy with the stories of the beautiful valley. They were leaving it all behind. They stepped out of the house, got into the truck, with a few other families and drove away. Never to come back to their birthplace. Never to come back to see how their motherland looked like, never to look at those lakes and never to experience the autumn season that looked the most vibrant only in Kashmir. On second thoughts, maybe they did experience the autumns again. After all, that is what they have been experiencing till date.

Like The Chinars that have fallen from their place

The valley too has lost its grace

The heaven doesn’t exist anymore

The charm is gone that Kashmir ever wore

The political gurus make claims lame and tall

The blood of our community is splattered on the wall

We rot somewhere; the media won’t say a word

This human rights violation, it goes unheard!! Kashmir, Assam, Tripura, Bengal, Odisha & all other bordering states need to seal their borders preventing any infiltration as once. At this stage, almost ¾ Western Assam has been captured by Bangla Deshi Muslim infiltrators supported by HUJI, IM, ISI & such terror groups. They hoist Pakistani, Bangla Deshi flags in Assam for past 15 years as they did in Kashmir. They have been attacking local tribes – Karbi Anglong, Khasi, Dimasa, Kachari, Jaintia, Bodo, Chongloi & many such indigenous original tribes in Neelachal – Assam – who have been there for ages. Bangla Deshi infiltrators have captured their lands, houses attacking them, raping their women, killing almost half the tribal population there, posing dire threat to Bharat’s security.”

Today there is arson & hundreds of Tribals are murdered in Assam. Over 500 villages are burnt totally. Tribes & other Hindus are fleeing to temporary shelters, being killed by terrorist infiltrators & by the Govt machinery. Govts are protecting Bangla Deshi Muslim infiltrators & pumping bullets into the original tribes who actually need protection. Almost 1 lakh people are now in shelters – homeless, lost their near & dear ones & everything that those poor Tribals had, because Govts bend before Bangla Deshi Muslims for votes. The PM of ‘India’ & his party’s head Madam called Assam CM to protect Muslims & not the Tribals, otherwise govt agencies would not have killed many Bodos, other Tribals & Hindus with Govt bullets! The PM & Madam never called U.P. CM to stop violence against Hindus in Koshi Mathura, Bareilly, and Pratapgadh etc. The duo never called Andhra CM asking him to protect Hindus in 4 Minar area while Muslims brutally killed them. This shows Govt’s bias against Hindus & special love for Muslims.”

" If Muslims in India constantly crib to have no say and no power, they should come to Pakistan to see the plight of minority Hindus with their own eyes. They'll never complain and learn to live peacefully with their Hindu brethren in India."

-Asma Jahangir, Human rights activist, Pakistan

Asma's right. When pitted against the oppressed Hindus in Pakistan, the Muslims of India are indeed far better. A few days back there was a news that Hindus in Balochistan region are abducted and converted to Islam. The family members of those who've been abducted often avoid lodging complaints for fear of dire consequences. Many Hindus in Pakistan's Balochistan, Sindh and NWFP regions, embraced Islam for survival. Has any Muslim in India ever been forced to accept Hinduism in order to live in this country? The Marathas, who fought against Ahmadshah Abdali in 1761 and couldn't return, are now languishing in Pakistan doing menial jobs. Most of them are sweepers and Pakistan Military Academy, Kakul has the descendants of those Marathas working as toilet-cleaners. June, 2000, Time carried an article (later banned and deleted from the net) written by Craig Gaverns. He interviewed a few Hindu-Marathas (most of those Marathas are now forced Muslims) working as cleaners and attendants at PMA. One of them told him that once a Pakistani captain continuously slapped him and made him eat human excreta for not polishing his shoes properly. He fearlessly told Gaverns to disclose his name (Nanji Ubale) despite Gaverns had grave doubts about that man's safety. His name was carried and within a couple of days, he was hacked to pieces. Even those Hindus who got converted to Islam are treated very badly. They're always reminded of their humble and infidel roots. One such Hindu doctor Ratan Chitkara, who later embraced Islam and became Saeed Khan, was always denied promotion to become the C M H O (Chief Medical & Health Officer) at a hospital in Pakistan's Chitral province. The reason was that he willy-nilly accepted Islam. 'Dil se nahin liya' (not accepted from the core of his heart) observed his born Muslim  friend. My point is: Did the ancestors of the sub-continental Muslims ever accept Islam DIL SE ? Were they not converted to Islam by coercion? BBC, London's Roger Amlett's big essay ' Conversions on the sub-continent ' (1998) puts it bluntly  " Why do all the 'converted Muslims' of the sub-continent behave in a manner as if their Allah directly dropped them as Muslims from an imaginary heaven? Why do they (or their forefathers) forget that they were cajoled, coaxed and coerced into embracing Islam? " The Hindus in Pakistan constitute 2.67 % of its population, which is now close to 18 crores. According to Pakistan-born Ibn Warraq, an ex-Muslim, " By 2015 this ratio will drop down to almost one percent as very many existing Hindus will have accepted Islam to save their skins, precisely necks." Here in India, Muslims cry foul that they're discriminated against. This happens indeed. But don't they also get their rights and rightful positions in India? In India, Muslims have become the heads of the state. There've been so many top brass in the Armed Forces of India, who're Muslims. Can one show a single really big and influential Hindu in Pakistan? Why wasn't Pakistan's second Chief Justice Bhagwan Das, A Sindhi-Hindu from Shikarpur, Sindh, made the CJP (Chief Justice of Pakistan)? Why was Neeraj Chawla (actress Juhi Chawla's uncle, who chose to stay back in Pakistan following partition) abducted in spite of being a high official on Pakistan's Film Censor Board? Despite his seniority, he was not made the chief of the Censor Board of Pakistan. Has any Muslim been deprived of his rank in the sensitive army because of his religion? Didn't India have Idris Hasan Latif as the Air Chief Marshal? It's very easy to condemn sitting on the fence and when you're getting everything without much efforts. Look from a broader and deeper perspective and you'll realise that you're much better and well-ensconced here than the poor Hindus in Pakistan, who get no representation at any level. They cannot even register their marriage in Pakistan. Karachi and Islamabad universities abolished their Hindi departments and even certificate courses in Hindi because it's the language of the Kafirs (infidels). Except for Danish Kaneria, no Hindu ever played Test cricket in Pakistan, though Anil Dalpat came closest to playing and getting included in the final eleven. Why was Nirmal Mukherjee, a Bengali Hindu of PIA, never selected for the Pakistan national hockey team? He was PIA's vice captain in the early seventies. Veerbhadra Seksaria, the only Hindu industrialist from Pakistan, never got an opportunity to set up a cement factory in Pakistan's lone industrial city, Faislabad (erstwhile Layalpur). Indian media and some so-called secularists like Teesta Seetalvad (her husband's a Muslim), Arundhati Roy (a Syrian Christian) and Mallika Sarabhai (a Gujrati Hindu) scream from their rooftops when something 'wrong' happens to the Muslims in India. Why can't these influential secularists raise their voice in unison against the treatment meted out to the Hindus in Pakistan who live there as gentiles and lepers?